Corporate profiles compiled by George Draffan

Public Information Network, PO Box 95316, Seattle WA 98145-2316 USA

back to main page and index

FAIR USE NOTICE: This site contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in our efforts to advance understanding of environmental, political and economic issues.
We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C.Section 107, the material on this site is made available without profit to those who have an interest in receiving the information for research and educational purposes.



300 Lakeside Dr., Oakland CA 94643
telephone 415-271-3300

Began as a construction company building roads in British Columbia, Canada in 1913; helped build the Bonneville, Grand Coulee, and Hoover dams in the 1930s and 1940s; built ships for World War. Got into aluminum by buying Tacoma, Washington and Baton Rouge, Louisiana plants sold by Alcoa because of anti-trust action. Kaiser Aluminum has operations in two dozen countries. Kaiser Permanente is a health-maintenance organization.

Kaiser was acquired by Maxxam in 1988. See entry for Maxxam.

Kaiser is one of the main producers of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs).

VALCO is a joint aluminum smelting operation formed between Kaiser and Reynolds Metals, powered by the Akosumbo dam on the Volta River in Ghana. Financed by the World Bank. The area inundated by the dam covers five percent of the country, and displaced 80,000 people (Earth Island Institute's International Dams Newsletter, v.2, n.1, 1987). VALCO (Volta Aluminum Company Ltd.) is owned 78 percent by Maxxam, 10 percent by Reynolds, and 12 percent by private interests; 80,000 people were relocated from 740 villages; the dam flooded 8,500 square kilometers; Ghana gave Valco low electric rates and numerous tax breaks; (Yao Graham, Drought Dims Ghana's Hydroelectric Power, World Rivers Review, Nov. 1995, p. 6-7; contact African Agenda, PO Box 94154, Yeoville 2198, Johannesburg, South Africa,

See Alpart (Jamaican bauxite joint venture).




8300 Utica Ave., Suite 301, Rancho Cucamonga CA 91730
telephone 812-945-2651

Kaiser Steel's Kaiser Resources subsidiary mines western Canadian coal for export to Japan (WOTE, p. 74).



KALIMANIS see Weyerhaeuser

Affiliated with Weyerhaeuser. The Kalimanis group includes PT Kalimanis Plywood Industries in Indonesia. Gerry W. White, Kalimanis managing director, was a Weyerhaeuser employee.




Indonesia's newest and largest coal operation, a project of CRA and BP.$570 million invested, on coast of east Kalimantan, to be fully operational in 1993, the coal to be exported to Europe and Japan. NKK of Japan and Netherlands power stations have contracts for the coal (Mining Magazine, Mar 1992, p. 149-150).




Kinross Gold and Grynberg Resources, and Kamgeo, a group of Kamchatka companies, are partners in the Kamgold joint mining venture at Aginskoye on Kamchatka Peninsula in Siberia. Contact Pacific Environment and Resources Center




Japanese sawmill operation in Palembang, Sumatra, Indonesia (SKEPHI, 1990, Selling Our Common Heritage).




Japanese company shipping tropical timber from Southeast Asia; target of civil disobedience by the Melbourne Rainforest Action Group (Earth First! Journal, Aug. 1, 1990, p. 16).




Altai Mountains


This area borders Mongolia, China, and the new republic of Kazakstan; includes Mount Belukha, the highest peak in Siberia; has pristine cedar, larch, and fir forests; is habitat to snow leopards and is inhabited by the indigenous Altaisk peoples. Russian ecologists are calling for a 1.5 million-hectare national park in the Ust-Koksa region. For about ten years there has been pressure to build dams; the current proposal includes a 100 kilometer-long lake and seven or eight power stations. There are concerns about the release of mercury, lead, cadmium, and other metals, as has happened at James Bay Canada, and other dam sites. Three "ecological expertizas" (environmental impact statements) have come out against the proposal. Locals are divided on the issue, since the electricity could help bring them autonomy -- the Altai republic's bid for greater autonomy in 1991 was defeated when the Russian authorities stopped supplies of fuel to the region (gn:jseed on Econet cdp. env.siberia, August 25, 1992).

On December 25, 1992, the Katun project was apparently denied (Dec 26, 1992 by glas:katun in Econet igc:env.siberia). xxx back on?





Intimpura is an Indonesian logging company that has been granted a 339,000-hectare concession on Moi peoples land in West Papua (Irian Jaya), Indonesia. The Indonesian corporation Kayu Lapis Group is also involved in pulp and paper production in the area, which has been affected by the Transmigration program since the early 1980s (see article by Anna Laine, "Moi Resistance: Standing Up to Indonesia," Multinational Monitor 13(10): 12-14, Oct. 1992; and Multinational Monitor, Oct. 1990).




10 East South Temple, Salt Lake City UT 84133
telephone 801-322-7000

With Guggenheim and J.P.Morgan backing, Kennecott built a railroad in Alaska in early 1900s to haul copper ore. Kennecott has also operated the Braden copper mine in Chile (1925), and the Utah Copper Co. (1936). Kennecott owns the Bingham Canyon mine in Utah, the world's first (and largest) open-pit copper mine. In 1981, Standard Oil of Ohio (SOHIO, which was later acquired by British Petroleum) bought Kennecott. In 1989, RTZ bought BP Minerals, which included Kennecott (Hoover's Handbook of World Business 1992, p. 275). In 1976, Kennecott sold Peabody Coal to a consortium which included Bechtel, Equitable Life Assurance, Fluor, Newmont Mining, and Williams Company; Hanson bought Peabody in 1990. See Peabody entry.

An article by Jon Christensen in High Country News ("Can a Copper Firm Restore a Blasted Ecosystem?", May 30, 1994, p. 8-12) describes the history, environmental impacts, and attempted cleanup of Kennecott's Bingham Canyon mine south of Salt Lake City, Utah. Mining in Bingham Canyon began in the 1860s; by 1900, Utah Copper, backed by Rockefeller and Guggenhein money, controlled most of the Canyon. In the 1930s, Kennecott acquired a majority interest in the mine. More than 14 million tons of copper have been removed from the two-and-a-half mile wide and half-mile deep pit; the mine now annually produces a half-billion pounds of copper, 34 million pounds of molybdenum, two million ounces of silver, and 253,000 ounces of gold. Kennecott makes $400 to $600 million in profits per year, and plans to invest $2 billion in modernizing. The operation has resulted in a 5,700-acre tailings pile, and sulfate-contaminated groundwater. Cleanup has cost Kennecott $85 million in the last two years; the company will spend another $80 million in 1994. The U.S. EPA has estimated that groundwater cleanup could eventually cost $2.2 billion; Kennecott has proposed a $102 million plan.

Kennecott announced plans to build a new $880 million copper smelter at its facility outside Salt Lake City, Utah, beginning in 1993 and scheduled for completion in 1996. The design was done in part by Finnish smelter technology leader Outokumpu Oy. ENR also reported that Kennecott announced that it had reached an agreement with state and federal officials for a $100 million cleanup of past operations at the 100 square mile Bingham Canyon Mine. Five billion tons of earth and rock have been removed from Bingham Canyon (once a mountain) since 1906, yielding more than 12 million tons of copper; some 250,000 tons of "material" are still removed daily, since it takes a ton of ore to produce 11 pounds of copper (Engineering News Record, Apr. 20, 1992, p. 23-24). The article in High Country News says the proposed settlement betwen Kenneciott and the state of Utah was rejected in late 1992 by the U.S. District Court; appeals and negotiations continue.

Kennecott is involved in the Lihir Island gold prospect in Papua New Guinea, in a joint venture with Niugini (Mining Magazine, Sept. 1991, p. 176).

Kennecott has an eighty percent interest in the San Andres mine in Honduras. The San Andreas mine in Honduras is an open pit heap leach operation; the mine was begun in the 16th century. Many companies are involved: Asarco; Gold Mines of America; Fisher-Watt Gold Co; Madeline Mines Ltd; Milner Consolidated; Kennecott has 80 percent interest (Engineering & Mining Journal, Feb. 1992, p. 7).



KENNEDY BAY TIMBER see Weyerhaeuser




123 NW Robert S. Kerr Ave., Oklahoma City, OK 73102
telephone 405-270-1212

Kerr McGee owns the Jacobs Ranch and the Clovis Point coal mines in Wyoming. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency filed a RCRA complaint and proposed a $2.9 million fine in April 1992.

Kerr McGee's titanium dioxide production in Saudi Arabia is a U.S. OPIC-assisted project (OPIC 1991 Annual Report).

See also Maxus Energy.




Ketchikan, Alaska

Owned by Louisiana Pacific (FMC had a half interest in Ketchikan Pulp in the 1960s and 1970s). KPC was one of two corporations (along with Mitsubishi's Alaska Pulp) with 50-year monopoly contracts with the Tongass National Forest in Southeast Alaska.

The benefits KPC received from its deal with the U.S. Forest Service can be difficult to trace. "The Tongass lost money because of the peculiar way it handles road credits under the Ketchikan Pulp Company long-term timber sale contract. This contract began in the 1950s but did not incorporate purchaser road credits until 1975. Since then, the purchaser has been allowed to credit its road costs against payments it made for the timber before 1975. As a result, the Forest Service paid the purchaser millions of dollars for cutting national forest timber in 1992 and 1993." (Randal O'Toole, National Forest Timber Sale Losses in 1993 and 1994,

KPC was convicted in 1981 of anti-trust violations; L-P's lawyer for the case, John Crowell, was later appointed assistant secretary of agriculture (over the U.S. Forest Service) by President Ronald Reagan. Crowell wanted to double timber production on the national forests -- and to sell national forestland outright (Congressional Quarterly, The Battle for Natural Resources, 1983, pp. 138 and 201, citing April 27, 1982 testiimony before the U.S. House Appropriations Commitee).

The 43-year-old Ketchikan Pulp mill was shut down in 1997. For background on the Tongass monopoly, see Kathie Durbin's book Tongass: Pulp Politics and the Fight for Alaska's Rain Forest. (Oregon State University, 1999).





Khukhan Aroonswat, MLL 33 Company, Surin Thanapong Construction, and Udon Supply are named as log importing companies that will benefit from the opening of a new border pass allowing Cambodian timber to be brought into Thailand. The pass is in the Chong Sangam area of the Khukhan District, which is a pristine forest covering both sides of the Cambodian-Thai border; the Thai side of the pass is within the Huay Sala Wildlife reserve (Asian Timber, July 1992, p. 7, citing the Bangkok Post).






KIC INTERNATIONAL CORP see Morbark International




545 East John W. Carpenter Freeway # 1300, Irving TX 75062
telephone 214-830-1200

Owns or controls more than 36,000 square kilometers of timbrlands in Spain, Thailand, Honduras, Mexico, Costa Rica, China, South Africa, and 20 other nations; controls more than half the world market for tissue (Carrere and Lohmann, 1996, Pulping the South, p. 108-109.

Acquired Scott Paper in 1995.

Exports more than a million tons of wood chips per year from Mobile, Alabama.

Planned "household and sanitary paper" mill in Pathomthanee, Thailand (FAO, 1988).

Has subsidiaries in Malaysia and the Philippines, and owns Kimsari Paper Indonesia (Who Owns Whom 1990: Australia & Far East.

Paper manufacturing in Colombia and disposable diapers in Costa Rica are U.S. OPIC-assisted projects (OPIC 1991 Annual Report).

Operations also in El Salvador.

Kimberly-Clark de Mexico, Apdo, Postal 15, Orizaba, Veracrux, Mexico.








Involved with Rabanco (Seattle WA) and Recycle America (Waste Management) in plastic recycling. Buys plastic to export; operates processing and fabricating ("recycling") plants in Hong Kong and China. Exports 80 tons of plastic from the Seattle area to Asia every month. Some is "too dirty" to economically recycle, and ends up landfilled in China (Greenpeace investigation conducted by Ann Leonard in 1992).

xxx Toxics Trade Bulletin




Kinross Gold and Grynberg Resources, and Kamgeo, a group of Kamchatka companies, are partners in the Kamgold joint mining venture at Aginskoye on Kamchatka Peninsula in Siberia. Contact Pacific Environment and Resources Center, 1055 Fort Cronkhite, Sausalito CA 94965., 415-332-8200, fax 415-332-8167,





Kirkland AS, Slemdalsveien 72, Oslo 0319, Norway

Oil and gas exploration in the Far East, U.S., Canada, Norway, and UK.

Began oil exploration in Burma in 1989. Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE), the agency overseeing oil and gas development in Burma, is controlled by the military regime SLORC; since 1989, MOGE has signed multimillion dollar contracts with many foreign oil companies. A subsidiary of the Thai national oil company, PTT Exploration and Production, has proposed developing natural gas in Burma's Gulf of Mataban and shipping it to Thailand through an undersea pipeline. (See article by Dara O'Rourke, "Oil in Burma: Fueling Oppression," Multinational Monitor 13(10):7-11, Oct. 1992).




(Henry) Kissinger Associates and China Ventures (which has joint ventures with the Chinese state bank) represent multinational corporations by opening doors to foreign investments; see Washington Post, Aug, 29, 1989; New York Times, Apr. 30, 1989; Wall Street Journal, Sept. 15, 1989; and Extra!: The Magazine of FAIR, Oct-Nov. 1989.




Two government relations powerhouses spanning both Republican and Democratic administrations are hooking up in a "strategic alliance." After 18 months of working together on an ad hoc basis, the international advisory consultancy of Kissinger McLarty Associates and the law firm of Covington & Burling are making their alliance official. They'll market their wares together and work on client matters as a team, when appropriate -- it's a "preferred relationship," so if there's a conflict, either firm can seek help elsewhere. The two firms will coordinate their legal and strategic efforts on government relations, public policy, regulatory issues, trade, homeland security and other areas for clients. "It's one-stop shopping," said Stuart Eizenstat, head of Covington's international practice. "KMA doesn't do any lobbying, and we do. . . . They have contacts in Latin American and Asian governments that we don't." On KMA's side is former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and Thomas "Mack" McLarty, President Bill Clinton's chief of staff as well as special envoy for the Americas. Eizenstat, who served stints as deputy treasury secretary, undersecretary of state for economic, business and agricultural affairs and ambassador to the European Union, joins KMA as a senior adviser to help coordinate the firms' business strategies. Also joining KMA as a senior adviser is Covington's David Marchick, who also served in the Clinton administration in a number of posts, including deputy assistant secretary of state. McLarty; KMA's Richard Fisher, a former deputy U.S. trade representative; and Nelson Cunningham, a former McLarty aide, will serve as senior advisers to Covington. (Making an Alliance Official, By Judy Sarasohn, Washington Post, Oct. 2, 2003, p. A21).






From Danielle Knight, ENVIRONMENT-RUSSIA: China's Demand for Timber Fuels Clear-cutting in Siberia, InterPress Service, July 27, 2000:

Russian "regional forestry authorities have allowed a large area of pristine Siberian forest to be clear-cut to satisfy China's demand for timber. An area of 490,000 hectares along the Argun river bordering China is being rented to several Russian logging companies, including Kluchi and Epos, which will then allow Chinese companies to manage the logging operations...

"Demand for Russian timber products has increased since 1998 when China established new domestic forest conservation laws which so far have been well enforced. Several years ago China was forced to overhaul its forestry laws after a half-century of exploitation led to disastrous levels of soil erosion and catastrophic flooding... Just north of the world's most populous nation lies one of the Earth's largest intact tract of pristine forest. Known as the Russian Taiga, the seemingly endless expanse of trees stretches from the Ural mountains to the Pacific Ocean and represents 54 percent of the world's coniferous forests and about 26 percent of its remaining frontier forests. The Taiga provides habitat for a vast array of rare and endangered species, including the Siberian tiger, the Amur leopard, brown bear and Japanese crane.

"Siberia is also prone to forest fires which destroy five times as many trees as are lost to logging. Travelling along the trans- Siberian railway you can see whole hillsides of dead forests, the result of uncontrolled burning. After forest fires, logging is one of the key threats to Siberia's forests. According to a report released in June by the international environmental group Greenpeace, about one-fifth of logging in Russia is illegal...

"In the region of Chita, the problem is not with large corporations, which are easier to monitor, but with small scale operators who contract with Chinese timber buyers. There are about four registered large logging companies in the region and an estimated 480 small operators... Local newspapers carry many advertisements seeking timber harvesters. ''These ads are placed by Russian middlemen who then sell illegally to Chinese buyers...'' While it is possible to monitor the operations of larger companies such as Kluchi, it is impossible for the forestry service to keep track of all of the small independent dealers... another obstacle lies with a lack of federal legislation that would help the regional forest service monitor and fine people who are illegally logging and exporting timber to China. Right now the ability to inspect timber shipments lies with the tax and customs authorities and is out of the Forest Service's jurisdiction..." (Danielle Knight, ENVIRONMENT-RUSSIA: China's Demand for Timber Fuels Clear-cutting in Siberia, InterPress Service, July 27, 2000).




Box 2256, Wichita KS 67201
telephone 316-832-5500

Founded in 1928 by Fred Koch, who helped found the John Birch Society. Son Charles Koch also touts free trade philosophy, founded the Cato Institute and Citizens for a Sound Economy, serves on the boards of the Institute for Humane Studies and the Center for Market Processes, and has funded Market-Based Management at the University of Kansas and George Mason University. Koch Industries has expanded into oil and gas exploration and marketing; petrochemicals (ammonia and specialty chemicals); minerals (carbon, iron ore, lime); grain and fertilizer elevators; ranching; and manufacturing (asphalt, auto selants, John Zinc refinery burners and flares, cement, industrial waste filtration, PVC, tennis court surfaces, and oil and gas equipment) in 13 states and Canada. Koch Industries pleaded guilty to fraudulent leasing practices in 1980. David Koch ran for U.S. vice president on the Libertarian ticket in 1980. There has been family infighting for control of the corporation, which is the second largest privately-held corporation in the U.S. (after Cargill), with $20 billionin annual sales in the 1990s. Sources: Hoover's Handbook of American Business 1993, p. 359; and Imprimis (Hillsdale College), Aug. 1996, p. 4).

Koch's political connections revealed in investigation of oil royalties to American Indians:
"Dozens of witnesses... testified before Senate investigators in support of allegations that Koch Oil, a Kansas-based company, had stolen more than $31 million in oil from Native Americans and other producers... [U.S. Senators] Dole, Kassebaum, Nickles and Boren... could be dubbed the Koch Oil, , much as five senators who went to bat for corrupt savings-and-loan executive Charles Keating in the mid-1980s became known as the Keating Five. At the heart of both interventions were a regulated business and political money. Koch Oil's parent, Koch Industries, is the nation's largest privately held energy company, with annual revenues of more than $25 billion. The company is owned by two of the richest men in America, David and Charles Koch (pronounced "coke"), who have a combined personal fortune estimated at more than $3 billion and who have emerged as major Republican contributors in recent years. They also control three family foundations -- the Charles G. Koch Foundation, the David H. Koch Foundation and the Claude R. Lambe Foundation -- that have lavished tens of millions of dollars in the past decade on "free market" advocacy institutions in and around Washington... The Koch family odyssey -- its fortune and its new-found power in Republican politics -- can be traced back to a hardscrabble life in West Texas during the early oil-boom years. Fred Koch, the family patriarch, was the son of a frontier newspaperman and, in the 1920s, studied engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. After M.I.T., he developed a new process for refining crude oil, an invention he took to the Soviet Union. But after some of his business associates were killed in Stalin's purges, Koch returned home a fervent anticommunist. In the 1940s, he and two partners built up a modestly successful oil company, Rock Island Oil and Refining. In 1958, Koch became a charter member of the ultraright John Birch Society. When Fred Koch died in 1967, the family business fell under the control of his second son, Charles, a strapping young man who changed the company name to Koch Industries. The company grew as it diversified into pipelines, refineries, petrochemicals, financial services, ranching and grain elevators. But there was tension among Fred Koch's four sons. A feud broke out for control of the company. Charles and David were on one side and David's fraternal twin, William, and the oldest son, Frederick, were on the other. In 1983, Charles and David prevailed, buying out William and Frederick for $470 million and $320 million, respectively. Besides joining forces to win the family power struggle, Charles and David Koch shared a zealous belief in the free market as the arbiter of nearly every social and economic problem.... Charles and David were libertarians, blaming both Democrats and Republicans for interfering in the economy. In 1977, Charles Koch co-founded the Cato Institute, an antigovernment libertarian think tank in Washington. Since then, the Kochs have handed out more than $21 million to Cato, as it churns out position papers denouncing welfare programs and lauding self-reliant individualism. In 1980, David Koch was even the Libertarian Party's vice presidential candidate and contributed $1.6 million of his own money to the campaign. By the mid-1980s, their money was founding a potent advocacy group called Citizens for a Sound Economy. A base for free-market economic theory, C.S.E. was started by Richard Fink, a George Mason University professor who is now a vice president at Koch Industries... But Libertarian Party politics ultimately disillusioned the Kochs, who had real-life business interests that needed a helping hand in Washington. In 1986, for example, Koch Industries encountered just the sort of regulation that its owners had long protested: The federal government sued it for violating the Clean Air Act by modifying a natural gas processing plant in Colorado to "increase potential emissions of oxides of nitrogen by more than 40 tons a year." That same year, the Kochs' disdain for Dole began to dissipate when Koch Industries sought financial advantage under "technical corrections" to a tax revision act. The Washington Post reported that Koch Industries approached Dole and secured the Senator's aid in inserting an exemption from a new real-estate depreciation schedule, a change that was worth several million dollars to the company... Also in 1987, the Kochs' Indian oil problems started when The Arizona Republic wrote a series of articles about lax government monitoring of oil and mineral thefts from Indian lands. DeConcini read the articles and launched a special investigation for the Senate Select Committee on Indian Affairs. At the same time, William Koch, the disaffected brother, was compiling evidence that Koch oilfield personnel were systematically cheating oil producers on federal and Indian lands. At the center of those alleged thefts, his lawyers said, was a process called the "Koch method," which mismeasured the oil taken from tanks by cutting the top measure of a gauge, boosting the bottom measure, over-reporting the temperature and claiming more sediment than was really present. This willful misreporting saved Koch Oil millions, the lawyers alleged. In 1988, the Senate investigation sought to determine how widespread such practices were on Indian lands. "We blitzed the oil companies that did work on the reservations," said F.B.I. Special Agent Jim Elroy, a public corruption specialist tasked to the Senate committee from the F.B.I.'s Oklahoma City office. "They all turned over whatever we asked for, except for Koch. They [the Kochs] caused their own problems."... But Koch's problems were just beginning. When the Senate committee subpoenaed Koch's internal records, Charles Koch acknowledged in a sworn deposition that the records did show that Koch Oil took more than $31 million in oil without paying. But he argued that oil measurement is a "very uncertain art" and that Koch gaugers "aren't rocket scientists." Yet the committee pointed out that none of the other oil companies, whose records it also subpoenaed, revealed a similar pattern of mismeasurement. The May 1989 Senate hearings were a P.R. disaster for Koch, as the theft allegations received big play in the Oklahoma news media. Another Koch vice president, Richard Fink, told The Nation that Koch Industries suddenly realized it lacked "corporate defense capabilities." But Koch was learning fast how to play the Washington power game. The company hired super-lawyer Robert Strauss, a former chairman of the Democratic National Committee, to bring bipartisan pressure down on the committee investigation. Koch issued a forty-three-page paper blasting the hearings as "one-sided, unfair and replete with errors of both misstatement and omission." The company accused the disgruntled brother, William, of pursuing a personal vendetta. In the heat of this battle, Koch approached the four senators -- Dole, Kassebaum, Nickles and Boren. "Koch came to us expressing concerns that they were not being given a chance to refute questions of fact," said Kassebaum spokesman Mike Horak. To get Dole to listen to them, "we had to hire Bob Strauss," recalled Cordes. In mid-1989, Strauss, a close Dole friend, arranged a breakfast between Dole and Cordes at the Watergate, where Dole lives. After the breakfast and hearing Koch's complaints, Dole rallied to the company's defense. The overtures to the senators led to the letter attacking Christopher Tucker, who had worked as a consultant on William Koch's lawsuit. "That's the one rifle shot we took," said Cordes, explaining the company's strategy of targeting Tucker as a perceived weak link in the investigation. Tucker told The Nation that in Texas, surveillance of his movements forced him to change his life. He exercised greater care in making friends, secured all sensitive documents and even shredded papers headed for the trash. "It's very intimidating," he said. "You have a company with lots of money. They've got more money than many small countries do." The flood of Koch money to the G.O.P. also began in earnest then... Back at Koch Industries, Charles Koch ordered his corporate executives to get to work burnishing "Koch's image," according to internal company records obtained by The Nation. As part of that strategy, the company increased donations to politically influential organizations and individuals in Oklahoma, Kansas and other key states. In Oklahoma, Koch officials targeted "key business leaders," including major donors to Senator Nickles and the Republican Party. Koch executives were matched up with specific Oklahomans and told to "stay close" to them... Over the next six years, the Kochs showered the G.O.P. with more than $340,000 in campaign contributions from the Koch Industries PAC and from their individual donations. KochPAC gave $18,000 to Dole and $5,000 to Nickles. On a personal level, Charles Koch sent $1,000 to the Kassebaum re-election campaign in 1990 and contributed $2,000 to Dole. In 1991 David Koch contributed $1,000 to Nickles and the maximum $2,000 to Dole's primary and general election campaigns. Koch employees kicked in $23,950 for Dole. Koch-supported think tanks also coordinated more closely with Republicans. In 1993 Charles Koch donated $1,000 to Boren, the sole Democrat in the Koch Oil Four. Then, after Boren retired in 1994 to become president of the University of Oklahoma, the Kochs' largesse followed him. According to an internal Koch memo, the Oklahoma Foundation for Excellence had been identified as "David Boren's puppy." So Koch Industries gave the group $50,000 in September 1994. In June 1995, Koch Industries boosted Boren in his new job as O.U. president by contributing $150,000 to O.U.'s College of Medicine and Children's Hospital.... As for Dole, in the years following his help in the Indian oil case, Charles and David Koch have raised hefty sums for him and for other Republican Senate candidates to aid him. In October 1994, for instance, with Dole trying to nail down a G.O.P. Senate majority, the Kochs organized a "joint fund-raising representative," called Citizens for Economic Growth, to solicit Koch business associates and collect $205,700 for Republicans in four pivotal Senate races: Rod Grams of Minnesota, Jim Inhofe of Oklahoma, Craig Thomas of Wyoming and Jan Stoney of Nebraska. On October 29, 1994, Bob Dole attended the gala candidates' dinner at Charles Koch's home in Wichita. "The event not only offers another example of how Dole and his connections are filling the coffers of G.O.P. Senate hopefuls this fall, but it also shows the sorts of tactics being used to garner cash from special interests in the closing weeks of the campaign," the Minneapolis Star Tribune reported. Of the four Republicans, all but Stoney won, victories that helped give the G.O.P. narrow control of the Senate and made Dole the new majority leader. That same year, when Dole's Better America Foundation was soliciting money, Charles Koch was there again with his checkbook. The chairman of Koch Industries gave $225,000, the second-largest contribution. But after the special-interest fundraising drew public criticism in 1995, Dole closed down the foundation and returned some of the money... Yet despite the four senators' intervention, the Indian oil case refused to die a quiet death. Into the early 1990s, Koch was still facing the federal criminal investigation in Oklahoma City, which could have led to indictment of the corporation and possibly of senior executives. Nancy Jones, the assistant U.S. Attorney in charge, had found "probable cause to believe that Koch Oil...was engaged in corporate directed theft from Government lands and non-government lands, involving interstate pipelines, and from Indian country," according to a July 26, 1989, F.B.I. summary of the case. But the U.S. Attorney's office was experiencing a change at the top. U.S. Attorney Bill Price left to run for governor and was replaced by Tim Leonard, a former Republican state senator and a close political ally of Senator Nickles. Leonard also owned a half-dozen oil and natural gas wells in Beaver County, Oklahoma, which had sold at least small amounts of oil to Koch Oil and raised a conflict-of-interest question. Before his appointment as U.S. Attorney, Leonard pledged in writing "to (1) disqualify myself on any matter in which it appears desirable for me not to participate personally or substantially in order to avoid a possible appearance of impropriety (even if there is a lack of an actual conflict of interest)." But once in office, Leonard obtained a waiver from then­Deputy Attorney General William Barr to participate directly in the Koch Oil matter. From the start of that investigation, assistant U.S. Attorney Jones expressed concern that "present [Koch] employee[s] had relevant information that they would provide but for their concerns about retaliations by superiors," the F.B.I. reported on December 19, 1991. A former federal prosecutor told The Nation that some witnesses, apparently fearing reprisals, had "turned tail," making it "hard to get further up the ladder" of the company's hierarchy..." (Robert Parry, D(OIL)E: What Wouldn't Bob Do For Koch Oil: An Investigative Report. The Nation, August 26, 1996).


Judge Fines Koch $200,000 for Destroying Evidence. Energy Intelligence Group, Energy Alert, May 1999.

$35 million fine for pipeline leaks:
"Koch Industries agreed to pay $35 million yesterday for leaking oil into waterways, in the biggest civil fine ever levied under the Clean Water Act. The United States sued Koch in 1995 and 1997, claiming its pipelines leaked 3 million gallons of oil into waterways in TX, OK, KS, AL, LA and MO. The settlement cited 300 leaks from 1990 to 1997 by the Wichita, KS-based company, which is one of the country's largest oil pipeline operators (H. Josef Hebert, AP/Boston Globe/others). Most of the spills were caused by corroded pipelines in rural areas. The government said Koch could have prevented the problems with proper operation and maintenance (Justice Department release, Jan. 13). The settlement, filed in U.S District Court in Houston, resolves those complaints, as well as 11 more recent spills not included in the lawsuit. Texas, which joined the suit in 1997, will receive about half of the money. The share is the biggest payment ever recovered by the state for environmental violations (Pete Slover, Dallas Morning News). A 90,000-gallon Texas spill caused a 12-mile oil slick on Nueces and Corpus Christi bays, covered migratory birds with oil and killed thousands of fish (John J. Fialka, Wall Street Journal). Under the settlement, Koch must pay a $30 million fine, spend $5 million on environmental projects in affected states and improve its pipeline maintenance, which federal officials estimate could cost up to $90 million" (all from Greenwire, January 14, 2000).

"Judge Approves $35M Koch Fine For Oil Spills. A federal judge in Austin, TX, has approved a record $35 million civil fine against Kansas-based Koch Industries, ending lawsuits involving about 300 oil spills between 1990 and 1999. U.S. District Judge Vanessa Gilmore accepted the settlement on March 7, and notified the parties yesterday. Under the settlement, Koch must pay the federal government and the Texas state government $15 million each, and Koch will spend an additional $5 for environmental projects. The company will also strengthen its leak-detection program and replace corroded pipeline. The U.S Justice Department sued Koch in 1995, saying lax maintenance of its pipelines caused spills. Texas joined the suit two years later (Russell Gold, San Antonio Express-News, March 8). The settlement is said to be the largest ever collected under federal environmental laws (Justice Department release, March 8). (Greenwire, March 9, 2000).



KODECO see Korean Development Company




South Korea

Leading a group of a hundred South Korean companies planning development for the port of Nakhodka, near Vladivostok Russia (Business Week, Nov. 16, 1992. p. 53-54).




9 West 57th Street, Suite 4200, New York NY 10019
telephone 212-750-8300

New York "investment firm" specializing in leveraged buyouts, which are often hostile, dependent on junk bonds worth more than the company being acquired, and therefore often resulting in the dismemberment and/or bankruptcy of once-solvent companies.

Its 1980s deals included RJR Nabisco ($29 billion), Beatrice Foods ($6 billion), Safeway ($5 billion), and Owens-Illinois ($4 billion). Dealing continued in the 1990s with the Bank of New England, K-III Holdings (consumer magazines), and TW Holdings (Denny's and Hardee's restaurants). Other holdings include American Re-Insurance, Duracell, First Interstate, Fred Meyer, Stop & Shop, Union Texas Petroleum, and Walter Industries (Hoover's Handbook of American Business 1993, p. 360).

Foreign subsidiaries picked up in the takeovers have included Del Monte Malaysia, Del Monte International in Panama and Bandegua (Guatemala), the Philippine Packing Corp., Associated Biscuits Malaysia, and RJ Reynolds Tobacco in Malaysia (Who Owns Whom 1990: Australia & Far East).

Merchants of Debt: KKR and the Mortgaging of American Business, by George Anders (Basic Books, 1992).

The Money Machine: How KKR Manufactured Power and Profit, by Sarah Bartlett (Warner).








Formerly the industrial wing of Israel's trade union Hisradut, formed to provide construction materials (and employment) during World War II. In 1952 Koor and a Finnish company created Soltam to manufacture artillery; in 1983 Koor and United Technologies started a jet engine operation. In the late 1980s, 41 percent of Koor was taken over by Israeli banks; the union's share of Koor went from 71 percent to a quarter. Koor is involved in electronics, building materials, metals, weapons, food processing, and chemicals, and constitutes 10 percent of Israel's gross industrial product. More than two-thirds of Koor's 1991 sales were within Israel. Subsidiaries include Tadiran Electrical and Telrad Telecommunications (include weapons), Barbur Building Materials, Merhav-Ceramic, Middle East Tube, Soltam (weapons), United Steel Mills, Agan Chemical, Makteshim Chemical, Mata Food, Shemen Industries, Gamda Trade, and Koortrade (Hoover's handbook of World Business 1993; and Multinational Business, Spring 1989, p. 28ff).





Coal export contract owned by Samchok Consolidated Mining and Pan Ocean Shipping Co. (Mining Magazine, Mar. 1992, p. 149-150).

One of the first foreign investors in cutting Indonesian forests, with a concession in central Kalimantan (SKEPHI, 1990, Selling Our Common Heritage, p. 18).




Involved in a feasibility study for developing gold and other minerals at Pacitan on eastern Java, Indonesia (Mining Magazine, Aug. 1991, p. 103).




Korsnas, MoDo, and Stora reached a settlement on winter graing rights for reindeer with five Lapp villages in Sweden; the villages had taken legal action after the three companies denied access to company forests; the agreement calls for winter grazing to be avaliable to a reduced number of reindeer (PPI - Pulp & Paper International, July 1992, p.13).




1 Kraft Center, Glenview, IL 60025
telephone 312-998-2000

Erly Juice (subsidiary of Kraft), Houston, TX 77060. Orange juice from Brazil and Mexico (1989).



KTS Sdn Bhd

Kuala Lumpur, Malysia

One of the top ten exporters of sawtimber from Malaysia in 1991 (Asian Timber, April 1992, p.8).





"Environmental groups are criticizing taxpayer-backed financial lending institutions in the United States, Canada and Europe for supporting a gold mine in Kyrgyzstan they say is prone to deadly chemical spills. The Kumtor Gold Mine's potentially dangerous spill last month -- its third spill in less than two years -- sparked cries by local and international groups for an independent environmental audit and the release of a local emergency response plan. Fears over safety at the mine have caused several local protests, blockades and clashes between protestors and the local militia. The mine is operated by the Kumtor Operating Co. subsidiary of Canadian mining giant Cameco Corp., but Kyrgyzstan's government owns two-thirds of the mine. The International Finance Corporation, U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation, the World Bank's Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency and the Canadian Export Development Corporation have all provided financial backing for the project. Bruce Rich, a senior attorney at DC-based Environmental Defense: "It is unacceptable that taxpayer-supported public agencies such as the IFC do not require full disclosure of environmental and safety information for private sector projects they subsidize." IFC spokesman Mark Constantine said the institution preferred the release of a response plan but had to respect the company's security concerns. Cameco spokesperson Elaine Kergoat said reports of the spills were exaggerated and called claims that the most recent spill is harmful to aquatic life "fear-mongering" (Greenwire, Feb 9, 2000 citing Danielle Knight, Inter Press Service/TerraViva, Feb. 7).




Indonesian timber operations.




PO Box 26565, Safat 13126 Kuwait
telephone 2455455

Subsidiaries listed in the Whole World Oil Directory 1991 (p.145-146) include:

Arab Drilling (Tripoli Libya)
Braun Transworld (Caracas Venezuela)
Gulf Petrochemical Industries (Manama Bahrain)
Industrien Chimiques Maghrebines (Tunis Tunisia)
Key Perfuracoes Maritimas (Rio de Janeiro Brazil)
Keydril Nigeria (Victoria Island Lagos Nigeria)
Kuwait Drilling (Ahmadi Kuwait)
Kuwait Petroleum (Rotterdam Netherlands)
Kuwait Petroleum International (London England)
Kuwait Petroleum Research & Technology (Rotterdam Netherlands)
Mediterranean Fertilizer Industries (Ankara Turkey)
PCL-Braun-Simons (Calgary Alberta Canada)
Qatar Drilling (Doha Qatar)
Safemal Drilling (Sarawak Malaysia)
Santa Fe (Aberdeen and Edinburgh Scotland)
Santa Fe Braun (Beijing China)
Santa Fe Braun (Buckinghamshire and London England)
Santa Fe Braun (Dahran Saudi Arabia)
Santa Fe Drilling (Alhambra CA)
Santa Fe Drilling (Anzoategui Venezuela)
Santa Fe International (Cairo Egypt)
Santa Fe International (Jakarta Indonesia)
Santa Fe International (Ruwi Oman)
Santa Fe International (Singapore)
Santa Fe International Corporation (Alhambra CA)
Santa Fe Minerals (Dallas TX)
Santa Fe Minerals (Hong Kong)
Santa Fe Minerals (London England)
Santa Fe Offshore Construction (Houston TX)
Santa Fe Offshore Construction (Rio de Janeiro Brazil)
Santa Fe Shaft Drilling (Alhambra CA)
South Seas Drilling (Victoria Australia)
Sphere Supply (Houston TX)